Alan W. Dowd is a Senior Fellow with the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes on the full range of topics relating to national defense, foreign policy and international security. Dowd’s commentaries and essays have appeared in Policy Review, Parameters, Military Officer, The American Legion Magazine, The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, The Claremont Review of Books, World Politics Review, The Wall Street Journal Europe, The Jerusalem Post, The Financial Times Deutschland, The Washington Times, The Baltimore Sun, The Washington Examiner, The Detroit News, The Sacramento Bee, The Vancouver Sun, The National Post, The Landing Zone, Current, The World & I, The American Enterprise, Fraser Forum, American Outlook, The American and the online editions of Weekly Standard, National Review and American Interest. Beyond his work in opinion journalism, Dowd has served as an adjunct professor and university lecturer; congressional aide; and administrator, researcher and writer at leading think tanks, including the Hudson Institute, Sagamore Institute and Fraser Institute. An award-winning writer, Dowd has been interviewed by Fox News Channel, Cox News Service, The Washington Times, The National Post, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and numerous radio programs across North America. In addition, his work has been quoted by and/or reprinted in The Guardian, CBS News, BBC News and the Council on Foreign Relations. Dowd holds degrees from Butler University and Indiana University. Follow him at twitter.com/alanwdowd.

ASCF News

Scott Tilley is a Senior Fellow at the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes the “Technical Power” column, focusing on the societal and national security implications of advanced technology in cybersecurity, space, and foreign relations.

He is an emeritus professor at the Florida Institute of Technology. Previously, he was with the University of California, Riverside, Carnegie Mellon University’s Software Engineering Institute, and IBM. His research and teaching were in the areas of computer science, software & systems engineering, educational technology, the design of communication, and business information systems.

He is president and founder of the Center for Technology & Society, president and co-founder of Big Data Florida, past president of INCOSE Space Coast, and a Space Coast Writers’ Guild Fellow.

He has authored over 150 academic papers and has published 28 books (technical and non-technical), most recently Systems Analysis & Design (Cengage, 2020), SPACE (Anthology Alliance, 2019), and Technical Justice (CTS Press, 2019). He wrote the “Technology Today” column for FLORIDA TODAY from 2010 to 2018.

He is a popular public speaker, having delivered numerous keynote presentations and “Tech Talks” for a general audience. Recent examples include the role of big data in the space program, a four-part series on machine learning, and a four-part series on fake news.

He holds a Ph.D. in computer science from the University of Victoria (1995).

Contact him at stilley@cts.today.

Promising ‘true liberation,’ Pompeo contrasts U.S. role in Africa with China’s

Thursday, February 20, 2020

Categories: ASCF News Emerging Threats National Preparedness

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Capping a three-country swing across Africa, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo delivered a speech Wednesday in Ethiopia's capital in which he warned African countries to "be wary of authoritarian regimes and their empty promises" and said economic partnership with the United States was the path to "true liberation."

The secretary’s thinly veiled barb toward China, by far Africa’s biggest trading partner for more than a decade, came as he pitched American-style capitalism and economic liberalization as the only way to move forward after “failed socialist experiments of years past” in numerous African countries. Pompeo touted investments by American companies such as Chevron, Coca-Cola and Citibank on the visit, which included stops in Senegal and Angola as well as Ethiopia.

The trip concluded without an announcement of any major deal or new initiative, and it deepened a sense among African politics watchers that U.S. policy has moved from popular humanitarian programs and broad-based trade benefits to a near-singular focus on economic competition with China.

Given the vast gap between Chinese and American economic investment in Africa, cuts to many of those humanitarian programs and the impending expiration of the U.S. government’s biggest trade benefit program in Africa, the lack of a big-ticket announcement also seemed to underline how the Trump administration has shifted the U.S. government’s Africa policy toward the rhetorical as opposed to the tangible.

“The U.S. was and is a strong partner of Ethiopia,” said Abel Abate, an analyst at the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development in Addis Ababa. “But this talk of ‘true liberation’ is of course highly exaggerated.”

Chinese investment, mostly driven by state-owned banks and companies, greatly outweighs American flows, and millions of Africans, rich and poor, depend on the trade in Chinese commodities for a living. Highly visible infrastructure projects across the continent are financed by China.

U.S. government investment in Africa has tended more toward less flashy sectors such as health and education, and it totals in the billions of dollars every year. In his speech, Pompeo acknowledged a common truism that aid money is “very unlikely” to drive economic growth, but he said the United States would be with Africa “every step of the way” in a process of economic liberalization. He particularly emphasized entrepreneurs — “those people who are willing to go out and just crush it every day” — as his hoped-for beneficiaries of U.S. private investment.

In public remarks during his trip, Pompeo chose not to address China by name in most cases. But his juxtaposition of American and Chinese terms of engagement were stark and obvious, for the most part.

“When we come, we hire Angolans,” he said Monday at a meeting of business leaders in Luanda, the Angolan capital. “When we come to Angola, we show up with money that will benefit the Angolan people. . . . Not every nation that comes here to invest does that. There’s no political objective.”

One recent study on Chinese companies in Angola found that more than 70 percent of workers in construction and manufacturing projects were Angolan.

Recent decisions by the Trump administration have strained relationships with African governments, such as the imposition of visa bans on Nigerian, Tanzanian, Eritrean and Sudanese travelers, and the widely expected announcement of a drawdown of the U.S. military presence across an increasingly unstable swath of West Africa.

President Trump’s trade representative, Robert E. Lighthizer, recently announced the beginning of talks with Kenya on a free-trade agreement, but that would be the first in sub-Saharan Africa, where nearly 40 countries enjoy special trade benefits that are set to

expire in 2025.

Meanwhile, top-level Chinese officials regularly travel to Africa, and nearly every African leader goes to China for an annual economic forum. Side-by-side comparison with China is a losing game for the Trump administration and one that risks alienating African leaders who resent the proposition that they have to choose sides, said Eric Olander, director of the China-Africa Project.

“The secretary and other senior U.S. officials need to start deflecting questions about the Chinese in Africa and instead focus on their own positive agenda for the continent if they want to be taken seriously,” he said.

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